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Manual Policy Challenges and Political Responses: Public Choice Perspectives on the Post-9 11 World

Checkout Your Cart Price. Description Details Customer Reviews Addresses problems facing democratic societies at the dawn of the 21st century. Ranging across the policy spectrum, this volume demonstrates the vibrancy and relevance of the public choice research program. It is useful for economists, political scientists, political philosophers, and public policymakers.

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Denise M. Rousseau, Sim B. Sitkin, Ronald S. View all notes This definition reflects the academic consensus that trust has two dimensions: calculative and relational. View all notes Calculative trust is based on an assessment of past performance and relies on consecutive inferences about the future. Earle, see note Earle, see note 20 , ; see also Roger Mayer, James H. Davis, and F. View all notes This makes relational trust a function of social identification instead of instrumentality.

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Earle, see note 22 , ; Earle, Siegrist, and Gutscher see note 10 , 5. These dimensions of trust reflect the two fundamental ways of thinking referred to in cognitive psychology as the rational and the experiential system. View all notes The former is slow and analytic, driven by evidence and logic; the latter is quick and unreflective, driven by associations and emotions. Trust in government has already been extensively studied with regard to risk perceptions.

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Risk perceptions and fear are closely related empirically. See note View all notes Therefore, we draw on insights from the risk perception literature to specify our hypotheses on the relationship between trust in government and fear of terrorism. We first provide a brief overview of the respective body of literature. In general, both types of trust are important to explain risk perceptions. Earle, Siegrist, and Gutscher see note View all notes Both types of trust seem similarly important correlates of perceived risk with regard to technological hazards.

Whitfield, Eugene A. In line with these overall findings, studies examining the two dimensions of trust separately or only one of the two point towards the same direction. To illustrate, in his study of risk perceptions related to floods in the Netherlands, Teun Terpstra 33 View all notes shows how trust in public flood defenses and risk management i. Similar results are reported in studies of technological hazards, 34 Siegrist, Cvetkovich, and Roth see note View all notes including nuclear waste and power 35 David Pijawka and Alvin H.

View all notes and genetically-modified food. Wouter Poortinga and Nick F. View all notes nuclear power, 38 View all notes and electromagnetic fields. View all notes Note that while these studies may use different targets of perceived risk e. View all notes However, empirical evidence tends to be restricted to observational data collected at one point in time. Michael Siegrist, Timothy C. In sum, whereas the existing body of literature provides consistent evidence that trust in government and other trustees is associated with lower perceived risks across a wide range of hazards, the empirical evidence remains thin with regard to how its two dimensions relate to each other.

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Based on this discussion, we now turn to our expectations regarding the relationship between trust in government and fear of terrorism. The question arises how both forms of trust in government matter for explaining fear of terrorism. Nellis and Savage see note 7. View all notes Most terrorism researchers will agree that terror by definition is intended to evoke an emotional response among the public in order to attain political ends.

Arie W. View all notes Although terrorist attacks occur infrequently, their potentially high impact and the emotional response they tend to evoke makes people likely to overestimate their risk, while neglecting the actual improbability of an attack.

As terrorism is associated with strong emotions and high uncertainty, we may expect most people to respond to it on the basis of experiential rather than analytical thinking. For it suggests that people will not base their response on rational evaluations, but rather on cognitive shortcuts such as value similarity in order to reduce uncertainty. They find that relational trust affects emotions of hope and pride more so than that these emotions affect relational trust. Note that they refer to confidence in government. This item drawn from the General Social Survey is a general measure of trust which according to our reading captures relational trust.

See the operationalizations section for more details. View all notes Given the consistent evidence that relational trust in government reduces risk perceptions, this may mean that the more people feel that government shares their values, the less risk they associate with terrorism and the less fearful they are.

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This leads to our first hypothesis: Hypothesis 1 : The more relational trust citizens have in government, the less fearful they are of terrorism. However, we know from the risk perception literature discussed above that calculative trust matters too for how citizens respond to risk. Findings, however, are not conclusive: A survey conducted by Marcos Misis and colleagues 49 Misis, Bush, and Hendrix see note View all notes among undergraduate students in the United States corroborates the negative relationship between calculative trust in government and fear of terrorism.

They show that better performance evaluations of the government and domestic intelligence agencies with regard to counterterrorism were related to less fear of future terrorist attacks occurring in the U. By contrast, Samuel Sinclair and Alice LoCicero find a positive relationship between fear of terrorism and calculative trust in government.

Sinclair and LoCicero see note 9. View all notes In turn, a study conducted by Shelly McArdle and colleagues 51 McArdle, Rosoff, and John see note 7. View all notes showed no significant relationship between confidence in the U. Given the indications for calculative responses mentioned here and the consistent evidence in the risk perception literature that calculative trust matters, we still specify the second hypothesis as follows: Hypothesis 2 : The more calculative trust citizens have in government, the less fearful they are of terrorism.

As we pointed out in the preceding section, how the two types of trust relate to each other remains less clear than most of the risk perceptions literature suggests.

Risk perception studies suggest that the effect of relational trust on fear of terrorism is mediated by calculative trust. However, not only do we lack empirical evidence to verify this, we also have good theoretical reasons to suggest that relational trust may be the mediating variable. That is to say, when citizens are convinced that the government performs well, they will, in turn, be more likely to think it also has the right intentions and shares their values. Crijns, Cauberghe, and Hudders see note 1. This is why we deliberately remain agnostic with regard to potential mediation effects.

We therefore specify two competing mediation hypotheses: Hypothesis 3 : Calculative trust mediates the relationship between relational trust and fear of terrorism. Hypothesis 4 : Relational trust mediates the relationship between calculative trust and fear of terrorism. We use data from an online representative survey conducted in the Netherlands among 1, members of the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social sciences LISS panel November 6—28, Respondents who did not have a computer were provided with one for the duration of the study.

All respondents received a financial compensation for filling out the online questionnaire. View all notes The LISS panel is based on a true probability sample of the Dutch population and is commonly used in social science research. View all notes The present survey was part of a larger study on risk perceptions and communication related to terrorism threat for the Research and Documentation Centre of the Dutch Ministry of Justice and Security.

View all notes The survey had a non-response rate of 23 percent, resulting in a final sample of 1, respondents. At the time the survey was administered, no terrorist attacks had recently occurred in the Netherlands. Even though various authors have suggested that fear of terrorism may not only result from the indirect experience of an attack, but also from the exposure to political rhetoric and media stories, 58 View all notes we find no clear signs for such tendencies in the Netherlands at the time.

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The Online Appendix reflects that parliamentary and media attention for terrorism remained at stable levels throughout the study period. These observations make it unlikely that political speeches or media stories caused a sudden increase in fear of terrorism among Dutch citizens. Brian M. Table 1 displays the operationalization of the variables included in the analyses. Nellis and Savage see note 7 , View all notes The focus on worries thereby fits our research objective of explaining anxiety about terrorism more generally.

For comparable measures see Joseph Boscarino, Charles R.